Mixed Race Studies

The term black Welsh remains for me a white persons concept used to deny me my own experience of racial oppression (the Welsh themselves, are an oppressed and colonised people). Black Welsh is not an identity; on the contrary, it is a duality and a contradiction. Perhaps this explains to some extent the high incidence of schizophrenia among black people. If I claim to be Welsh when everyone can plainly see that I am foreign, I must be mad. But if I claim to be black, that has no significance, its just like having freckles, and if I claim to be oppressed, Im playing the race card, demanding special treatment. So to survive, I must be nothing, invisible and above all silent, because my very existence is a reminder that at least one white Welsh woman had sex with a black man, and that is the beginning of the end of the purity of the Welsh people. And without the Language of Heaven, theCalon Ln, (white heart) the sense of being a chosen, Godly people, what does it mean to be Welsh?

Isabel Adonis,Black Welsh Identity: the unspeakable speaks,BBC News,North West Wales, May 30, 2006.

They freed and recognised their mixed-race children, setting them up as plantation-owners in their own rights. A mixed-race property-owning class emerged, equal in rights and wealth to their white neighbours and relatives.

Posted inExcerpts/Quoteson2018-03-06 04:29Z by Steven

Developing a genealogy of racial prejudice inSaint-Domingue[Julien] Raimondbegan with a study of the colonys history. He noted that, in the early 18th century, during the first generations of the colonys existence, almost all the white settlers who travelled to the colony had been men. They had married African women. They and the French state acknowledged these relationships. They freed and recognised their mixed-race children, setting them up as plantation-owners in their own rights. A mixed-race property-owning class emerged, equal in rights and wealth to their white neighbours and relatives. By the 1760s, however, white colonists increasingly sawfree people of colouras a threat to access to land and capital in a colony that was increasingly crowded, filled with recent immigrants fromFranceseeking to become rich. Using racial difference as a weapon in their economic struggle, white colonists began to impose discriminatory legislation against mixed-race people.

Blake Smith, On prejudice,Aeon, March 5, 2018.

Comments Offon They freed and recognised their mixed-race children, setting them up as plantation-owners in their own rights. A mixed-race property-owning class emerged, equal in rights and wealth to their white neighbours and relatives.

European University Institute, Florence, Italy

An 18th-century creole slaveholder invented the idea of racial prejudice to defend diversity among a slave-owning elite

n 1791,Julien Raimondpublished one of the first critiques of racial prejudice. Raimond was a free man of racially mixed ancestry from the French colony ofSaint-Domingue(today the country ofHaiti), and his essay Observations on the Origin and Progress of White Peoples Prejudice against People of Colour argued that legal discrimination against people of African origin resulted from psychological biases. Raimonds work was the first sustained account of how racial prejudice operates and how it might be eliminated. Today, the idea that unconscious biases permeate individual psychology, prompting discriminatory behaviours and perpetuating social inequality, is central to discussions of race in politics, academia and everyday life. But this idea was the product of a specific 18th-century moment, with surprising and troubling motivations behind it.

Raimond was an activist for the rights of people of colour. In 1789, he left his home in Saint-Domingue just before the outbreak of theFrench Revolution. He went to Paris to lobby the government to grant equal status to free people of African origin. In Paris, Raimond joined a circle of radical thinkers and politicians who believed that racial equality had to be part of the emerging Revolution. But Raimond was no opponent of slavery. On the contrary, while his allies argued for its abolition, Raimond insisted that racial equality and abolition of slavery had nothing to do with each other. The first page of histreatiseclaimed that a cabal of white plantation-owners have cleverly conflated the cause of people of colour with that of slaves. Raimond, in fact, wanted to preserve slavery. He believed that eliminating racial prejudice would bring white and non-white slave-owners together in a united front against enslaved Africans. He drew on the pro-slavery arguments of white plantation-owners. Raimonds idea that there is such a thing as racial prejudice and that discrimination is rooted in this psychological phenomenon originated in these plantation-owners defences of slavery.

Raimonds ideas strike many present-day readers as bizarre and hypocritical. After all, he pioneered modern critiques of racial prejudice while also defending slavery. Most people today presume that racism led to slavery, and that slavery and racism were practically synonymous. But in the 18th century, this was not so clearly the case. From Raimonds perspective, as an 18th-centurycreoleslave-owner, slavery and racism were distinct, and it seemed urgent to disentangle them. Slavery, after all, had existed for thousands of years, while modern racial discrimination, Raimond held, was something recent, contingent and reformable. Like many thinkers of his era (including many of the United States Founding Fathers), Raimond saw the world divided between an elite of propertied men and a servile mass of labourers. He saw that the power of a tiny elite would be more resilient if the privileged included people of different colours

The Mulatta Concubine: Terror, Intimacy, Freedom, and Desire in the Black Transatlantic

Posted inAfricaBooksCaribbean/Latin AmericaLiterary/Artistic CriticismMedia ArchiveMonographsSlaveryUnited StatesWomenon2016-02-03 03:32Z by Steven

The Mulatta Concubine: Terror, Intimacy, Freedom, and Desire in the Black Transatlantic

Lisa Ze Winters, Associate Professor of English and Africana Studies

Wayne State University, Detroit, Michigan

Exploring the geographies, genealogies, and concepts of race and gender of theAfrican diasporaproduced by theAtlantic slave trade

Popular and academic representations of the freerepeatedly depict women of mixed black African and white racial descent as defined by their sexual attachment to white men, and thus they offer evidence of the means to and dimensions of their freedom within Atlantic slave societies. InThe Mulatta Concubine, Lisa Ze Winters contends that the uniformity of these representations conceals the figures centrality to the practices and production of diaspora.

Beginning with a meditation on what captive black subjects may have seen and remembered when encountering free women of color living in slave ports, the book traces the echo of the free mulatta concubine across the physical and imaginative landscapes of three Atlantic sites:Gore IslandNew Orleans, andSaint Domingue(Haiti). Ze Winters mines an archive that includes a 1789 political petition by free men of color, a 1737 letter by a free black mother on behalf of her daughter,antebellumnewspaper reports, travelers narratives, ethnographies, andHaitian Vodouiconography. Attentive to the tenuousness of freedom, Ze Winters argues that the concubine figures manifestation as both historical subject and African diasporic goddess indicates her centrality to understanding how free and enslaved black subjects performed gender, theorized race and freedom, and produced their own diasporic identities.

Comments Offon The Mulatta Concubine: Terror, Intimacy, Freedom, and Desire in the Black Transatlantic

Making Men: Enlightenment Ideas of Racial Engineering

Posted inArticlesCaribbean/Latin AmericaHistoryMedia Archiveon2014-04-10 20:49Z by Steven

Making Men: Enlightenment Ideas of Racial Engineering

William Max Nelson, Assistant Professor of History

A minor nobleman from Alsace, traveling in French colonialSaint-Domingue(present-day Haiti) on the eve of the French and Haitian revolutions, expressed  surprise that it has not already occurred to some ingenious speculator to monopolize the fabrication of allmulattoes.1Perhaps no one had embarked upon this endeavor, the Baron de Wimpffen speculated, for fear that the metropolitan government would take advantage of this bright idea to incorporate even the manufacture of the human race into its exclusive privilege.2While Wimpffen was clearly satirizing theExclusifthe much-hated metropolitan monopoly on the trade and manufacture of natural resources and goods from the colonieshis comments reveal something that is not widely recognized about the eighteenth century: there was an understanding that the fabrication or manufacture of human beings was possible, and even desirable to some.3Wimpffens words are jarring, not only because they raise the possibility that human beings could be manufactured, but also because they do so in an offhand manner, presenting it as a whimsical observation or a delicate joke rather than as a ghastly vision of control and production in which human beings are merely another raw material to be transformed. The topic of sexual relations between people of African and European descent was not an uncommon one in eighteenth-century writing about Saint-Domingue, where it was generally agreed that such unions were more prevalent than in other French colonies; Wimpffens comments, however, pointed beyond the usual tropes invoked against the social and moral ramifications of colonialmtissageandlibertinage(miscegenationand the debased pursuit of sensual pleasure).

Although some masters seem to have profited from the sale of their own mulatto children, Wimpffen was presumably correct in believing that there were no actual businesses on Saint-Domingue that aimed to monopolize the manufacture of the human race.4A decade earlier, however, two men with connections to the colonial administrationformer governor-generalGabriel de Boryand a lawyer named Michel-Ren Hilliard dAuberteuilhad published works calling for a similar kind of manufacture. InEssai sur la population des colonies sucre(1776) andConsidrations sur ltat prsent de la colonie française de Saint-Domingue(17761777), respectively, Bory and Hilliard dAuberteuil sketched out separate plans for the large-scale selective breeding of slaves, free people of color, and the white residents of the island.5Neither viewed his project as a potential business venture; instead, each plan was envisioned as a solution to some of the colonys most significant social, political, and military problems. Their proposals were not highly detailed; nor were they even the focus of the books in which they were included. Yet they remain of great historical importance because they appear to have been the first suggestions for large-scale selective breeding of humans that was meant to be carried out in a real time and place (rather than the fictional nowhere of utopias) and with the intention of creating a new racial hierarchy.

The existence of these plans raises new questions regarding the relationship between the development of ideas about the selective breeding of human beings and the development of ideas of race. Throughout the second half of the eighteenth century in Europe and the Atlantic world, a fundamental idea was emerging of race as a heritable and inescapable way of being that encompassed physical, moral, intellectual, and psychological characteristics and provided a basis for hierarchical differentiation.6There was a considerable amount of fluidity and ambiguity within the new ideas and nomenclature, but people were gradually establishing and stabilizing many of the terms, concepts, and scientific questions that would lay the foundation for the more elaborate attempt to create a science of race in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.7Yet even as modern ideas of race were being formed, some people apparently believed that human beings could be constructed to fit within narrowly defined categories based primarily on skin color and civil status. The possibility of a dynamic circularity in the eighteenth century between making men and making race seems not to have been previously recognized by scholars.8

Comments Offon Making Men: Enlightenment Ideas of Racial Engineering

Description topographique, physique, civile, politique et historique de la partie française de lisle Saint-Domingue: avec des observations gnérales sur la population, sur le caractère les moeurs de ses divers habitans, sur son climat, sa culture, ses productions, son administration (Topographic description, physical, civil, and political history of the French part of the island Santo Domingo: with general observations on the population, on the character and manners of its various inhabitants, its climate, its culture, production, administration)

Posted inBooksCaribbean/Latin AmericaLawMedia ArchiveMonographsPolitics/Public Policyon2013-10-10 02:27Z by Steven

Description topographique, physique, civile, politique et historique de la partie française de lisle Saint-Domingue: avec des observations générales sur la population, sur le caractère & les moeurs de ses divers habitans, sur son climat, sa culture, ses productions, son administration  (Topographic description, physical, civil, and political history of the French part of the island Santo Domingo: with general observations on the population, on the character and manners of its various inhabitants, its climate, its culture, production, administration.)

2 volumes : 2 ill., maps (engravings) ; 26 cm. (4to)

M. L. E. Moreau de Saint-Mry(Mdric Louis lie Moreau de Saint-Mry)(1750-1819)

FromThe John Carter Brown Library: The mixing of races inSaint Domingueoccasioned a plethora of commentaries, mostly venomous and polemical, on the causes and consequences of the colonys multiracial order. The most famous of these commentaries, though not the most polemical, was by Moreau de Saint-Mry, the colonial jurist and historian whose writings on Saint-Domingue are still a major resource for contemporary scholars. In volume one of his Description, Moreau counted and categorized11 racial combinations in the colony. He argued that ancestry should be traced back seven generations and hence ultimately comprised 128 combinations. The science of skin color received one of its earliest formulations in this work, completed in 1789. Moreau was himself the father of a mixed-race child by hismulattomistress.

Comments Offon Description topographique, physique, civile, politique et historique de la partie française de lisle Saint-Domingue: avec des observations gnérales sur la population, sur le caractère les moeurs de ses divers habitans, sur son climat, sa culture, ses productions, son administration (Topographic description, physical, civil, and political history of the French part of the island Santo Domingo: with general observations on the population, on the character and manners of its various inhabitants, its climate, its culture, production, administration)

Blue Coat or Powdered Wig: Free People of Color in Pre-Revolutionary Saint Domingue

Posted inAnthropologyBooksCaribbean/Latin AmericaHistoryMonographson2012-04-27 18:56Z by Steven

Blue Coat or Powdered Wig: Free People of Color in Pre-Revolutionary Saint Domingue

Stewart R. King, Associate Professor of History

Mount Angel Seminary, St. Benedict, Oregon

By the late 1700s, half the free population ofSaint Dominguewas black. TheFrench Caribbeancolony offered a high degree of social, economic, and physical mobility to free people of color. Covering the period 1776-1791, this study offers the most comprehensive portrait to date of Saint Domingues free black elites on the eve of the colonys transformation into therepublic of Haiti.

Stewart R. King identifies two distinctive groups that shared Saint Domingues free black upper stratum, one consisting of planters and merchants and the other of members of the army and police forces. With the aid of individual and family case studies, King documents how the two groups used different strategies to pursue the common goal of economic and social advancement. Among other aspects, King looks at the rural or urban bases of these groups networks, their relationships with whites and free blacks of lesser means, and their attitudes toward the acquisition, use, and sale of land, slaves, and other property.

Kings main source is the notarial archives of Saint Domingue, whose holdings offer an especially rich glimpse of free black elite life. Because elites were keenly aware of how a bureaucratic paper trail could help cement their status, the archives divulge a wealth of details on personal and public matters.

Blue Coat or Powdered Wigis a vivid portrayal of race relations far from the European centers of colonial power, where the interactions of free blacks and whites were governed as much by practicalities and shared concerns as by the law.

Part One. The Colony and Its People

Chapter One. The Notarial Record and Free Coloreds

Chapter Four. Free Colored in the Colonial Armed Forces

Part Two. The Free Colored in Society and the Economy

Chapter Five. Slaveholding Practices

Chapter Eight. Non-Economic Components of Social Status

Chapter Nine. Family Relationships and Social Advancement

Part Three. Group Strategies for Economic and Social Advancement

Chapter Eleven. The Military Leadership Group

Appendix One. Family Tree of the Laportes of Limonade

Appendix Three. Incorporation Papers of the

Appendix Four. Notarized Sale Contract for a House

Tags:HaitiSaint-DomingueStewart KingStewart R. KingUniversity Of Georgia Press

Comments Offon Blue Coat or Powdered Wig: Free People of Color in Pre-Revolutionary Saint Domingue

Science of desire: Race and representations of the Haitian revolution in the Atlantic world, 1790-1865

Posted inDissertationsHistoryLiterary/Artistic CriticismMedia ArchiveSlaveryon2012-04-15 16:09Z by Steven

Science of desire: Race and representations of the Haitian revolution in the Atlantic world, 1790-1865

Marlene Leydy Daut, Assistant Professor of English and Cultural Studies

Claremont Graduate University, Claremont, California

A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Notre Dame in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

This dissertation reads representations of theHaitian Revolutionwith and against the popular historical understanding of the events as the result of the influence of enlightenment philosophy or theDeclaration of the Rights of ManonToussaint LOuverture; or what I have called a literacy narrative. This understanding is most visible in texts such asC.L.R. JamessThe Black Jacobins(1938) and reproduces the idea that Toussaint read RaynalsHistoire des deux Indes(1772) and thus became aware that slavery was contrary to nature and was inspired to lead the revolt. Instead, I show how eighteenth- and nineteenth-century understandings of the Revolution were most often mediated through the discourse of scientific debates about racialmiscegenationan eighteenth- and nineteenth-century obsession with what happens when white people produce children with black peoplemaking the Revolution the result of the desire for vengeance on the part of miscegenated figures, whose fathers refused to recognize or defend them, rather than a desire for the ideals of liberty and equality; or what I have called the mulattovengeance narrative.

Chapter one examines the figure of the tropical temptress in the anonymously published epistolary romanceLa Mulâtre comme il y a beaucoup de blanches(1803). Chapter two takes a look at evil/degenerate mulattoes inHerman MelvillesBenito Cereno (1855) andVictor HugosBug-Jargal(1826). In chapter three I analyze the trope of the tragic mulatto/a in French abolitionistAlphonse de Lamartinesverse dramaToussaint LOuverture(1850); the Louisiana bornVictor Sjoursshort story, The Mulatto (1837); and Haitian authorEmric BergeaudsStella(1859). Chapters four and five look at the image of the inspired mulatto in French novelistAlexandre Dumassadventure novel,Georges(1843); black American writerWilliam Wells Brownsabolitionist speech turned pamphlet, St. Domingo; its Revolutions and its Patriots (1854); and the Haitian poet and dramatistPierre Faubertsplay,Og; ou le prjug de couleur(1841; 1856). By insisting on a discourse of science as a way to understand these representations, I show how these texts contributed to the pervasive after-life of the Haitian Revolution in the nineteenth-century Atlantic World, on the one hand, but also created an entire vocabulary of desire with respect to miscegenation, revolution, and slavery, on the other.

Part 1: Mulatto Vengeance and the Haitian Revolution

Part 2: Literacy Narratives and the Haitian Revolution

Chapter 1: Tropical Temptresses: Desire and Repulsion in Revolutionary Saint-Domingue

Chapter 2: Black Son, White Father: Mulatto Vengeance and the Haitian Revolution in Victor Hugos

and Herman Melvilles Benito Cereno

Part 2: Melvilles Usher of the Golden-Rod

Chapter 3: Between the Family and the Nation: Parricide and the Tragic Mulatto/a in 19th-century Fictions of the Haitian Revolution

Chapter 4: The Inspired Mulatto: Enlightenment and Color Prejudice in the African Diaspoa

Part 1: Alexandre Dumas and the Haitian Revolution

Part 3: The Never-to-be-forgiven course of the mulattoes

Chapter 5: Let Us Be Humane After the Victory: Pierre Fauberts New Humanism

Tags:Alphonse de LamartineEmric BergeaudHaitiHaitian RevolutionHerman MelvilleMarlene DautMarlene L. DautMarlene Leydy DautPierre FaubertSaint-DomingueToussaint LOuvertureUniversity of Notre DameVictor HugoVictor SjourWilliam Wells Brown

Comments Offon Science of desire: Race and representations of the Haitian revolution in the Atlantic world, 1790-1865

Before Haiti: Race and Citizenship in French Saint-Domingue

Posted inBooksCaribbean/Latin AmericaHistoryMedia ArchiveMonographsSlaveryon2012-04-04 23:23Z by Steven

Before Haiti: Race and Citizenship in French Saint-Domingue

Hardcover ISBN: 978-1-4039-7140-1, ISBN10: 1-4039-7140-4

Trade Paperback ISBN: 978-0-230-10837-0, ISBN10: 0-230-10837-7

John D. Garrigus, Associate Professor of History

Winner of the Society for French Historical Studies 2007 Gilbert Chinard Prize!

In 1804 FrenchSaint-Dominguebecame the independent nation of Haiti after the only successful slave uprising in world history. When theHaitian Revolutionbroke out, the colony was home to the largest and wealthiest free population of African descent in the New World.Before Haitiexplains the origins of this free colored class, exposes the ways its members both supported and challenged slavery, and examines how they created their own New World identity in the years from 1760 to 1804.

The Development of Creole Society on the Colonial Frontier

Race and Class in Creole Society: Saint-Domingue in the 1760s

Freedom, Slavery, and the French Colonial State

Reform and Revolt after the Seven Years War

Citizenship and Racism in the New Republic Sphere

The Rising Economic Power of Free People of Color in the 1780s

Free People of Color in the Southern Peninsula and the Origins of the Haitain Revolution

Revolution and Republicanism in Aquin Parish

Tags:HaitiJohn D. GarrigusJohn GarrigusPalgrave MacmillanSaint-Domingue

Comments Offon Before Haiti: Race and Citizenship in French Saint-Domingue

Inventing the Creole Citizen: Race, Sexuality and the Colonial Order in Pre-Revolutionary Saint Domingue

Posted inCaribbean/Latin AmericaDissertationsHistoryMedia Archiveon2012-03-01 01:21Z by Steven

Inventing the Creole Citizen: Race, Sexuality and the Colonial Order in Pre-Revolutionary Saint Domingue

A Dissertation Presented The Graduate School in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History

Inventing the Creole Citizenexamines the battle over racial hierarchy inSaint Domingue(colonial Haiti) prior to the French and Haitian Revolutions. It argues that cultural definitions of citizenship were central to that struggle. White elite colonists, when faced with the social mobility of free people of color, deployed purportedly egalitarian French enlightenment tropes of meritocracy, reason, natural law, and civic virtue to create an image of the colonial citizen that was bounded by race. The purpose of the creole citizen figure was twofold: to defend white privilege within the colony, and to justify greater local legislative power to French officials.

Meanwhile, Saint Domingues diverse populations of free and enslaved people of color, as well as non-elite whites, articulated their own definitions of race and citizenship, often exposing the fluidity of those categories in daily life. Throughout the dissertation I argue that colonial residents understood race and citizenship in gendered ways, drawing on popular French critiques of aristocratic gender disorder to contest the civic virtue of other racial groups.

To put these competing voices in conversation with one another, the dissertation is structured around a series of practices through which colonial residents fought over the racial order. Those practices include participation in local print culture, the consumption and display of luxury goods, interracial marriage and sex, and the administration of corporal punishments. French legal structures and cultural traditions were imported directly to the colony, strongly influencing each of these practices. However, I examine how these practices changedor were perceived to changein the colonial setting, and how colonial residents used them to negotiate local power relations.

Chapter One: Free People of Color and the Stain of Slavery

Manumission and Early Administrative Opposition to the Free People of Color

Legislating Hierarchy and Enforcing Respect

The 1780s: Rethinking the Role of the

Holding Fast to White Privilege: Local Resistance

Chapter Two: Inventing the Creole Citizen

The Political Context: Moreau and the Desire for Legal Autonomy

Climate Theory and Creole Degeneration

Taste, Immorality and the Creolization of Culture

Chapter Three: Creolizing the Enlightenment: Print Culture and the Limits of Colonial Citizenship

and the Imagined Community of Colonial Citizens

Chapter Four: Rule the Universe With the Power of Your Charms: Marriage, Sexuality and the Creation of Creole Citizens

Official Encouragement of Marriage in the Early Colonial Period

Regulating Interracial Marriage andMiscegenation

Affectionate Colonial Marriage, Populationism and Colonial Citizenship

Gens de Couleur, Affectionate Marriage, and Familial Virtue

Chapter Five: Legislating Fashion and Negotiating Creole Taste: Discourses and Practices of Luxury Consumption

Fashion and Luxury Consumption in Old Regime France

Colonial Luxury Consumption and Its Critics

I. Creole Slave Consumption: Colonial Meritocracy and Enslaved Savagery

and Luxury Consumption: Emasculation and Sexual Immorality

III. White Creole Fashion: Transparency and Civic Virtue

Colonial Women, Fashion and Resistance

Chapter Six: Spectacles of Violence: Race, Class and Punishment in the Old Regime and the New World

Old Regime Punishments in the New World

White Elite Violence, Respectability, and Gendered Colonial Reform

In the years before the outbreak of the French and Haitian Revolutions, two men would criss-cross the Atlantic, traveling between the slave colony of Saint Domingue and the European power that governed it, France. Both men were defined as creole, that is, born in the Antilles. One, the white colonial magistrateMoreau de Saint Mry, came from another French colony, Martinique, although he and his family resided in Saint Domingue. The other,Julien Raimond, was a wealthy, educated, planter of color who had been born and lived most of his life in Saint Domingue. During the early years of the revolutions, these two men would debate the boundaries of French citizenship in the colonies; Raimond argued for the extension of citizenship rights to wealthy free men of color, while Moreau wanted to limit those rights to whites. Yet this debate began even earlier, before French revolutionaries created the legal category of citizen in 1789, and it took place on both sides of the Atlantic.

In the 1780s, before the citizen became a person invested with civil and political rights in the nation, these men, and people in France and Saint Domingue in general, defined the term more ambiguously. Yet metropolitans and colonists generally agreed that a citizen was someone with civic virtuea person who placed the greater good above his or her own self-interest. However, civic virtue appeared incompatible with the greed and immorality that Europeans typically associated with colonial life.